Deadly Immunity - By Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
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Deadly Immunity
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. investigates the government cover-up
of a mercury/autism scandal
ROBERT F. KENNEDY JR.
Posted Jun 20, 2005 12:00 AM
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In June 2000, a group of top government scientists and
health officials gathered for a meeting at the isolated Simpsonwood conference
center in Norcross, Georgia. Convened by the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, the meeting was held at this Methodist retreat center, nestled in
wooded farmland next to the Chattahoochee River, to ensure complete secrecy.
The agency had issued no public announcement of the session -- only private
invitations to fifty-two attendees. There were high-level officials from the
CDC and the Food and Drug Administration, the top vaccine specialist from the
World Health Organization in Geneva and representatives of every major vaccine
manufacturer, including GlaxoSmithKline, Merck, Wyeth and Aventis Pasteur. All
of the scientific data under discussion, CDC officials repeatedly reminded the
participants, was strictly "embargoed." There would be no making
photocopies of documents, no taking papers with them when they left.
The federal officials and industry representatives had
assembled to discuss a disturbing new study that raised alarming questions
about the safety of a host of common childhood vaccines administered to infants
and young children. According to a CDC epidemiologist named Tom Verstraeten,
who had analyzed the agency's massive database containing the medical records
of 100,000 children, a mercury-based preservative in the vaccines -- thimerosal
-- appeared to be responsible for a dramatic increase in autism and a host of
other neurological disorders among children. "I was actually stunned by
what I saw," Verstraeten told those assembled at Simpsonwood, citing the
staggering number of earlier studies that indicate a link between thimerosal
and speech delays, attention-deficit disorder, hyperactivity and autism. Since
1991, when the CDC and the FDA had recommended that three additional vaccines
laced with the preservative be given to extremely young infants -- in one case,
within hours of birth -- the estimated number of cases of autism had increased
fifteenfold, from one in every 2,500 children to one in 166 children.
Even for scientists and doctors accustomed to confronting
issues of life and death, the findings were frightening. "You can play
with this all you want," Dr. Bill Weil, a consultant for the American Academy
of Pediatrics, told the group. The results "are statistically
significant." Dr. Richard Johnston, an immunologist and pediatrician from
the University of Colorado whose grandson had been born early on the morning of
the meeting's first day, was even more alarmed. "My gut feeling?" he
said. "Forgive this personal comment -- I do not want my grandson to get a
thimerosal-containing vaccine until we know better what is going on."
But instead of taking immediate steps to alert the public
and rid the vaccine supply of thimerosal, the officials and executives at
Simpsonwood spent most of the next two days discussing how to cover up the
damaging data. According to transcripts obtained under the Freedom of
Information Act, many at the meeting were concerned about how the damaging
revelations about thimerosal would affect the vaccine industry's bottom line.
"We are in a bad position from the standpoint of defending any
lawsuits," said Dr. Robert Brent, a pediatrician at the Alfred I. duPont
Hospital for Children in Delaware. "This will be a resource to our very
busy plaintiff attorneys in this country." Dr. Bob Chen, head of vaccine
safety for the CDC, expressed relief that "given the sensitivity of the
information, we have been able to keep it out of the hands of, let's say, less
responsible hands." Dr. John Clements, vaccines advisor at the World
Health Organization, declared that "perhaps this study should not have
been done at all." He added that "the research results have to be
handled," warning that the study "will be taken by others and will be
used in other ways beyond the control of this group."
In fact, the government has proved to be far more adept at
handling the damage than at protecting children's health. The CDC paid the
Institute of Medicine to conduct a new study to whitewash the risks of
thimerosal, ordering researchers to "rule out" the chemical's link to
autism. It withheld Verstraeten's findings, even though they had been slated
for immediate publication, and told other scientists that his original data had
been "lost" and could not be replicated. And to thwart the Freedom of
Information Act, it handed its giant database of vaccine records over to a
private company, declaring it off-limits to researchers. By the time
Verstraeten finally published his study in 2003, he had gone to work for
GlaxoSmithKline and reworked his data to bury the link between thimerosal and
autism.
Vaccine manufacturers had already begun to phase thimerosal
out of injections given to American infants -- but they continued to sell off
their mercury-based supplies of vaccines until last year. The CDC and FDA gave
them a hand, buying up the tainted vaccines for export to developing countries
and allowing drug companies to continue using the preservative in some American
vaccines -- including several pediatric flu shots as well as tetanus boosters
routinely given to eleven-year-olds.
The drug companies are also getting help from powerful
lawmakers in Washington. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, who has received
$873,000 in contributions from the pharmaceutical industry, has been working to
immunize vaccine makers from liability in 4,200 lawsuits that have been filed
by the parents of injured children. On five separate occasions, Frist has tried
to seal all of the government's vaccine-related documents -- including the
Simpsonwood transcripts -- and shield Eli Lilly, the developer of thimerosal,
from subpoenas. In 2002, the day after Frist quietly slipped a rider known as
the "Eli Lilly Protection Act" into a homeland security bill, the
company contributed $10,000 to his campaign and bought 5,000 copies of his book
on bioterrorism. The measure was repealed by Congress in 2003 -- but earlier
this year, Frist slipped another provision into an anti-terrorism bill that
would deny compensation to children suffering from vaccine-related brain
disorders. "The lawsuits are of such magnitude that they could put vaccine
producers out of business and limit our capacity to deal with a biological
attack by terrorists," says Dean Rosen, health policy adviser to Frist.
Even many conservatives are shocked by the government's
effort to cover up the dangers of thimerosal. Rep. Dan Burton, a Republican
from Indiana, oversaw a three-year investigation of thimerosal after his
grandson was diagnosed with autism. "Thimerosal used as a preservative in
vaccines is directly related to the autism epidemic," his House Government
Reform Committee concluded in its final report. "This epidemic in all
probability may have been prevented or curtailed had the FDA not been asleep at
the switch regarding a lack of safety data regarding injected thimerosal, a
known neurotoxin." The FDA and other public-health agencies failed to act,
the committee added, out of "institutional malfeasance for self protection"
and "misplaced protectionism of the pharmaceutical industry."
The story of how government health agencies colluded with
Big Pharma to hide the risks of thimerosal from the public is a chilling case
study of institutional arrogance, power and greed. I was drawn into the
controversy only reluctantly. As an attorney and environmentalist who has spent
years working on issues of mercury toxicity, I frequently met mothers of
autistic children who were absolutely convinced that their kids had been
injured by vaccines. Privately, I was skeptical.
I doubted that autism could be blamed on a single source,
and I certainly understood the government's need to reassure parents that
vaccinations are safe; the eradication of deadly childhood diseases depends on
it. I tended to agree with skeptics like Rep. Henry Waxman, a Democrat from
California, who criticized his colleagues on the House Government Reform
Committee for leaping to conclusions about autism and vaccinations. "Why
should we scare people about immunization," Waxman pointed out at one
hearing, "until we know the facts?"
It was only after reading the Simpsonwood transcripts,
studying the leading scientific research and talking with many of the nation's
pre-eminent authorities on mercury that I became convinced that the link
between thimerosal and the epidemic of childhood neurological disorders is
real. Five of my own children are members of the Thimerosal Generation -- those
born between 1989 and 2003 -- who received heavy doses of mercury from
vaccines. "The elementary grades are overwhelmed with children who have
symptoms of neurological or immune-system damage," Patti White, a school
nurse, told the House Government Reform Committee in 1999. "Vaccines are
supposed to be making us healthier; however, in twenty-five years of nursing I
have never seen so many damaged, sick kids. Something very, very wrong is
happening to our children."
More than 500,000 kids currently suffer from autism, and
pediatricians diagnose more than 40,000 new cases every year. The disease was
unknown until 1943, when it was identified and diagnosed among eleven children
born in the months after thimerosal was first added to baby vaccines in 1931.
Some skeptics dispute that the rise in autism is caused by
thimerosal-tainted vaccinations. They argue that the increase is a result of
better diagnosis -- a theory that seems questionable at best, given that most
of the new cases of autism are clustered within a single generation of
children. "If the epidemic is truly an artifact of poor diagnosis,"
scoffs Dr. Boyd Haley, one of the world's authorities on mercury toxicity,
"then where are all the twenty-year-old autistics?" Other researchers
point out that Americans are exposed to a greater cumulative "load"
of mercury than ever before, from contaminated fish to dental fillings, and
suggest that thimerosal in vaccines may be only part of a much larger problem.
It's a concern that certainly deserves far more attention than it has received
-- but it overlooks the fact that the mercury concentrations in vaccines dwarf
other sources of exposure to our children.
What is most striking is the lengths to which many of the
leading detectives have gone to ignore -- and cover up -- the evidence against
thimerosal. From the very beginning, the scientific case against the mercury
additive has been overwhelming. The preservative, which is used to stem fungi
and bacterial growth in vaccines, contains ethylmercury, a potent neurotoxin.
Truckloads of studies have shown that mercury tends to accumulate in the brains
of primates and other animals after they are injected with vaccines -- and that
the developing brains of infants are particularly susceptible. In 1977, a
Russian study found that adults exposed to much lower concentrations of
ethylmercury than those given to American children still suffered brain damage
years later. Russia banned thimerosal from children's vaccines twenty years
ago, and Denmark, Austria, Japan, Great Britain and all the Scandinavian
countries have since followed suit.
"You couldn't even construct a study that shows
thimerosal is safe," says Haley, who heads the chemistry department at the
University of Kentucky. "It's just too darn toxic. If you inject
thimerosal into an animal, its brain will sicken. If you apply it to living
tissue, the cells die. If you put it in a petri dish, the culture dies. Knowing
these things, it would be shocking if one could inject it into an infant
without causing damage."
Internal documents reveal that Eli Lilly, which first
developed thimerosal, knew from the start that its product could cause damage
-- and even death -- in both animals and humans. In 1930, the company tested
thimerosal by administering it to twenty-two patients with terminal meningitis,
all of whom died within weeks of being injected -- a fact Lilly didn't bother
to report in its study declaring thimerosal safe. In 1935, researchers at
another vaccine manufacturer, Pittman-Moore, warned Lilly that its claims about
thimerosal's safety "did not check with ours." Half the dogs Pittman
injected with thimerosal-based vaccines became sick, leading researchers there
to declare the preservative "unsatisfactory as a serum intended for use on
dogs."
In the decades that followed, the evidence against
thimerosal continued to mount. During the Second World War, when the Department
of Defense used the preservative in vaccines on soldiers, it required Lilly to
label it "poison." In 1967, a study in Applied Microbiology found
that thimerosal killed mice when added to injected vaccines. Four years later,
Lilly's own studies discerned that thimerosal was "toxic to tissue
cells" in concentrations as low as one part per million -- 100 times
weaker than the concentration in a typical vaccine. Even so, the company
continued to promote thimerosal as "nontoxic" and also incorporated
it into topical disinfectants. In 1977, ten babies at a Toronto hospital died
when an antiseptic preserved with thimerosal was dabbed onto their umbilical
cords.
In 1982, the FDA proposed a ban on over-the-counter products
that contained thimerosal, and in 1991 the agency considered banning it from
animal vaccines. But tragically, that same year, the CDC recommended that
infants be injected with a series of mercury-laced vaccines. Newborns would be
vaccinated for hepatitis B within twenty-four hours of birth, and two-month-old
infants would be immunized for haemophilus influenzae B and
diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis.
The drug industry knew the additional vaccines posed a
danger. The same year that the CDC approved the new vaccines, Dr. Maurice
Hilleman, one of the fathers of Merck's vaccine programs, warned the company
that six-month-olds who were administered the shots would suffer dangerous
exposure to mercury. He recommended that thimerosal be discontinued,
"especially when used on infants and children," noting that the
industry knew of nontoxic alternatives. "The best way to go," he
added, "is to switch to dispensing the actual vaccines without adding
preservatives."
For Merck and other drug companies, however, the obstacle
was money. Thimerosal enables the pharmaceutical industry to package vaccines
in vials that contain multiple doses, which require additional protection
because they are more easily contaminated by multiple needle entries. The
larger vials cost half as much to produce as smaller, single-dose vials, making
it cheaper for international agencies to distribute them to impoverished
regions at risk of epidemics. Faced with this "cost consideration,"
Merck ignored Hilleman's warnings, and government officials continued to push
more and more thimerosal-based vaccines for children. Before 1989, American
preschoolers received eleven vaccinations -- for polio,
diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis and measles-mumps-rubella. A decade later, thanks
to federal recommendations, children were receiving a total of twenty-two
immunizations by the time they reached first grade.
As the number of vaccines increased, the rate of autism
among children exploded. During the 1990s, 40 million children were injected
with thimerosal-based vaccines, receiving unprecedented levels of mercury
during a period critical for brain development. Despite the well-documented
dangers of thimerosal, it appears that no one bothered to add up the cumulative
dose of mercury that children would receive from the mandated vaccines. "What
took the FDA so long to do the calculations?" Peter Patriarca, director of
viral products for the agency, asked in an e-mail to the CDC in 1999. "Why
didn't CDC and the advisory bodies do these calculations when they rapidly
expanded the childhood immunization schedule?"
But by that time, the damage was done. At two months, when
the infant brain is still at a critical stage of development, infants routinely
received three inoculations that contained a total of 62.5 micrograms of
ethylmercury -- a level 99 times greater than the EPA's limit for daily
exposure to methylmercury, a related neurotoxin. Although the vaccine industry
insists that ethylmercury poses little danger because it breaks down rapidly
and is removed by the body, several studies -- including one published in April
by the National Institutes of Health -- suggest that ethylmercury is actually
more toxic to developing brains and stays in the brain longer than
methylmercury.
Officials responsible for childhood immunizations insist
that the additional vaccines were necessary to protect infants from disease and
that thimerosal is still essential in developing nations, which, they often
claim, cannot afford the single-dose vials that don't require a preservative.
Dr. Paul Offit, one of CDC's top vaccine advisers, told me, "I think if we
really have an influenza pandemic -- and certainly we will in the next twenty
years, because we always do -- there's no way on God's earth that we immunize
280 million people with single-dose vials. There has to be multidose
vials."
But while public-health officials may have been
well-intentioned, many of those on the CDC advisory committee who backed the
additional vaccines had close ties to the industry. Dr. Sam Katz, the
committee's chair, was a paid consultant for most of the major vaccine makers
and was part of a team that developed the measles vaccine and brought it to
licensure in 1963. Dr. Neal Halsey, another committee member, worked as a
researcher for the vaccine companies and received honoraria from Abbott Labs
for his research on the hepatitis B vaccine.
Indeed, in the tight circle of scientists who work on
vaccines, such conflicts of interest are common. Rep. Burton says that the CDC
"routinely allows scientists with blatant conflicts of interest to serve
on intellectual advisory committees that make recommendations on new
vaccines," even though they have "interests in the products and
companies for which they are supposed to be providing unbiased oversight."
The House Government Reform Committee discovered that four of the eight CDC
advisers who approved guidelines for a rotavirus vaccine "had financial
ties to the pharmaceutical companies that were developing different versions of
the vaccine."
Offit, who shares a patent on one of the vaccines, acknowledged
to me that he "would make money" if his vote eventually leads to a
marketable product. But he dismissed my suggestion that a scientist's direct
financial stake in CDC approval might bias his judgment. "It provides no
conflict for me," he insists. "I have simply been informed by the
process, not corrupted by it. When I sat around that table, my sole intent was
trying to make recommendations that best benefited the children in this
country. It's offensive to say that physicians and public-health people are in
the pocket of industry and thus are making decisions that they know are unsafe
for children. It's just not the way it works."
Other vaccine scientists and regulators gave me similar
assurances. Like Offit, they view themselves as enlightened guardians of
children's health, proud of their "partnerships" with pharmaceutical
companies, immune to the seductions of personal profit, besieged by irrational
activists whose anti-vaccine campaigns are endangering children's health. They
are often resentful of questioning. "Science," says Offit, "is
best left to scientists."
Still, some government officials were alarmed by the
apparent conflicts of interest. In his e-mail to CDC administrators in 1999,
Paul Patriarca of the FDA blasted federal regulators for failing to adequately
scrutinize the danger posed by the added baby vaccines. "I'm not sure
there will be an easy way out of the potential perception that the FDA, CDC and
immunization-policy bodies may have been asleep at the switch re: thimerosal until
now," Patriarca wrote. The close ties between regulatory officials and the
pharmaceutical industry, he added, "will also raise questions about
various advisory bodies regarding aggressive recommendations for use" of
thimerosal in child vaccines.
If federal regulators and government scientists failed to
grasp the potential risks of thimerosal over the years, no one could claim
ignorance after the secret meeting at Simpsonwood. But rather than conduct more
studies to test the link to autism and other forms of brain damage, the CDC
placed politics over science. The agency turned its database on childhood
vaccines -- which had been developed largely at taxpayer expense -- over to a
private agency, America's Health Insurance Plans, ensuring that it could not be
used for additional research. It also instructed the Institute of Medicine, an
advisory organization that is part of the National Academy of Sciences, to
produce a study debunking the link between thimerosal and brain disorders. The
CDC "wants us to declare, well, that these things are pretty safe,"
Dr. Marie McCormick, who chaired the IOM's Immunization Safety Review
Committee, told her fellow researchers when they first met in January 2001.
"We are not ever going to come down that [autism] is a true side effect"
of thimerosal exposure. According to transcripts of the meeting, the
committee's chief staffer, Kathleen Stratton, predicted that the IOM would
conclude that the evidence was "inadequate to accept or reject a causal
relation" between thimerosal and autism. That, she added, was the result
"Walt wants" -- a reference to Dr. Walter Orenstein, director of the
National Immunization Program for the CDC.
For those who had devoted their lives to promoting
vaccination, the revelations about thimerosal threatened to undermine
everything they had worked for. "We've got a dragon by the tail
here," said Dr. Michael Kaback, another committee member. "The more
negative that [our] presentation is, the less likely people are to use
vaccination, immunization -- and we know what the results of that will be. We
are kind of caught in a trap. How we work our way out of the trap, I think is
the charge."
Even in public, federal officials made it clear that their
primary goal in studying thimerosal was to dispel doubts about vaccines.
"Four current studies are taking place to rule out the proposed link
between autism and thimerosal," Dr. Gordon Douglas, then-director of
strategic planning for vaccine research at the National Institutes of Health,
assured a Princeton University gathering in May 2001. "In order to undo
the harmful effects of research claiming to link the [measles] vaccine to an
elevated risk of autism, we need to conduct and publicize additional studies to
assure parents of safety." Douglas formerly served as president of
vaccinations for Merck, where he ignored warnings about thimerosal's risks.
In May of last year, the Institute of Medicine issued its
final report. Its conclusion: There is no proven link between autism and
thimerosal in vaccines. Rather than reviewing the large body of literature
describing the toxicity of thimerosal, the report relied on four disastrously
flawed epidemiological studies examining European countries, where children
received much smaller doses of thimerosal than American kids. It also cited a
new version of the Verstraeten study, published in the journal Pediatrics, that
had been reworked to reduce the link between thimerosal and autism. The new
study included children too young to have been diagnosed with autism and
overlooked others who showed signs of the disease. The IOM declared the case
closed and -- in a startling position for a scientific body -- recommended that
no further research be conducted.
The report may have satisfied the CDC, but it convinced no
one. Rep. David Weldon, a Republican physician from Florida who serves on the
House Government Reform Committee, attacked the Institute of Medicine, saying
it relied on a handful of studies that were "fatally flawed" by
"poor design" and failed to represent "all the available
scientific and medical research." CDC officials are not interested in an
honest search for the truth, Weldon told me, because "an association
between vaccines and autism would force them to admit that their policies
irreparably damaged thousands of children. Who would want to make that
conclusion about themselves?"
Under pressure from Congress and parents, the Institute of
Medicine convened another panel to address continuing concerns about the
Vaccine Safety Datalink Data Sharing program. In February, the new panel,
composed of different scientists, criticized the way the VSD had been used in
the Verstraeten study, and urged the CDC to make its vaccine database available
to the public.
So far, though, only two scientists have managed to gain
access. Dr. Mark Geier, president of the Genetics Center of America, and his
son, David, spent a year battling to obtain the medical records from the CDC.
Since August 2002, when members of Congress pressured the agency to turn over
the data, the Geiers have completed six studies that demonstrate a powerful
correlation between thimerosal and neurological damage in children. One study,
which compares the cumulative dose of mercury received by children born between
1981 and 1985 with those born between 1990 and 1996, found a "very
significant relationship" between autism and vaccines. Another study of
educational performance found that kids who received higher doses of thimerosal
in vaccines were nearly three times as likely to be diagnosed with autism and
more than three times as likely to suffer from speech disorders and mental
retardation. Another soon-to-be published study shows that autism rates are in
decline following the recent elimination of thimerosal from most vaccines.
As the federal government worked to prevent scientists from
studying vaccines, others have stepped in to study the link to autism. In
April, reporter Dan Olmsted of UPI undertook one of the more interesting
studies himself. Searching for children who had not been exposed to mercury in
vaccines -- the kind of population that scientists typically use as a
"control" in experiments -- Olmsted scoured the Amish of Lancaster
County, Pennsylvania, who refuse to immunize their infants. Given the national
rate of autism, Olmsted calculated that there should be 130 autistics among the
Amish. He found only four. One had been exposed to high levels of mercury from
a power plant. The other three -- including one child adopted from outside the
Amish community -- had received their vaccines.
At the state level, many officials have also conducted
in-depth reviews of thimerosal. While the Institute of Medicine was busy
whitewashing the risks, the Iowa legislature was carefully combing through all
of the available scientific and biological data. "After three years of
review, I became convinced there was sufficient credible research to show a
link between mercury and the increased incidences in autism," says state
Sen. Ken Veenstra, a Republican who oversaw the investigation. "The fact
that Iowa's 700 percent increase in autism began in the 1990s, right after more
and more vaccines were added to the children's vaccine schedules, is solid
evidence alone." Last year, Iowa became the first state to ban mercury in
vaccines, followed by California. Similar bans are now under consideration in
thirty-two other states.
But instead of following suit, the FDA continues to allow
manufacturers to include thimerosal in scores of over-the-counter medications
as well as steroids and injected collagen. Even more alarming, the government
continues to ship vaccines preserved with thimerosal to developing countries --
some of which are now experiencing a sudden explosion in autism rates. In
China, where the disease was virtually unknown prior to the introduction of
thimerosal by U.S. drug manufacturers in 1999, news reports indicate that there
are now more than 1.8 million autistics. Although reliable numbers are hard to
come by, autistic disorders also appear to be soaring in India, Argentina,
Nicaragua and other developing countries that are now using thimerosal-laced
vaccines. The World Health Organization continues to insist thimerosal is safe,
but it promises to keep the possibility that it is linked to neurological
disorders "under review."
I devoted time to study this issue because I believe that
this is a moral crisis that must be addressed. If, as the evidence suggests,
our public-health authorities knowingly allowed the pharmaceutical industry to
poison an entire generation of American children, their actions arguably
constitute one of the biggest scandals in the annals of American medicine.
"The CDC is guilty of incompetence and gross negligence," says Mark
Blaxill, vice president of Safe Minds, a nonprofit organization concerned about
the role of mercury in medicines. "The damage caused by vaccine exposure
is massive. It's bigger than asbestos, bigger than tobacco, bigger than
anything you've ever seen."
It's hard to calculate the damage to our country -- and to
the international efforts to eradicate epidemic diseases -- if Third World
nations come to believe that America's most heralded foreign-aid initiative is
poisoning their children. It's not difficult to predict how this scenario will
be interpreted by America's enemies abroad. The scientists and researchers --
many of them sincere, even idealistic -- who are participating in efforts to
hide the science on thimerosal claim that they are trying to advance the lofty
goal of protecting children in developing nations from disease pandemics. They
are badly misguided. Their failure to come clean on thimerosal will come back
horribly to haunt our country and the world's poorest populations.
NOTE: This story has been updated to correct several
inaccuracies in the original, published version. As originally reported,
American preschoolers received only three vaccinations before 1989, but the
article failed to note that they were innoculated a total of eleven times with
those vaccines, including boosters. The article also misstated the level of
ethylmercury received by infants injected with all their shots by the age of
six months. It was 187 micrograms - an amount forty percent, not 187 times,
greater than the EPA's limit for daily exposure to methylmercury. Finally,
because of an editing error, the article misstated the contents of the rotavirus
vaccine approved by the CDC. It did not contain thimerosal. Salon and Rolling
Stone regret the errors.
An earlier version of this story stated that the Institute
of Medicine convened a second panel to review the work of the Immunization
Safety Review Committee that had found no evidence of a link between thimerosal
and autism. In fact, the IOM convened the second panel to address continuing
concerns about the Vaccine Safety Datalink Data Sharing program, including
those raised by critics of the IOM's earlier work. But the panel was not
charged with reviewing the committee's findings. The story also inadvertently
omitted a word and transposed two sentences in a quote by Dr. John Clements,
and incorrectly stated that Dr. Sam Katz held a patent with Merck on the
measles vaccine. In fact, Dr. Katz was part of a team that developed the
vaccine and brought it to licensure, but he never held the patent. Salon and
Rolling Stone regret the errors.
CLARIFICATION: After publication of this story, Salon and Rolling
Stone corrected an error that misstated the level of ethylmercury received by
infants injected with all their shots by the age of six months. It was 187
micrograms ? an amount forty percent, not 187 times, greater than the EPA's
limit for daily exposure to methylmercury. At the time of the correction, we
were aware that the comparison itself was flawed, but as journalists we
considered it more appropriate to state the correct figure rather than replace
it with another number entirely.
Since that earlier correction, however, it has become clear
from responses to the article that the forty-percent number, while accurate, is
misleading. It measures the total mercury load an infant received from vaccines
during the first six months, calculates the daily average received based on
average body weight, and then compares that number to the EPA daily limit. But
infants did not receive the vaccines as a ?daily average? ? they received
massive doses on a single day, through multiple shots. As the story states, these
single-day doses exceeded the EPA limit by as much as 99 times. Based on the
misunderstanding, and to avoid further confusion, we have amended the story to
eliminate the forty-percent figure.
Correction: The story misattributed a quote to Andy Olson,
former legislative counsel to Senator Bill Frist. The comment was made by Dean
Rosen, health policy adviser to the senator. Rolling Stone and Salon.com regret
the error.
Response to Ari Brown
and the Immunization Action Coalition












